The Bridgewater Suicides Mystery. Suicidal Programming At Work?

While there has always been a lot of suicide in the lowlands of South Wales, what’s been happening lately in the county borough of Bridgend is something different and very troubling. Since January of 2007, over 25 people between the ages of 15 and 28 have killed themselves within 10 miles of here, all by hanging, except for one 15-year-old, who lay down on the tracks before an oncoming train after he was teased for being gay.

This isn’t just a series of unrelated, individual acts. It’s an outbreak—a localized epidemic—of a desire to leave this world that is particularly contagious to teenagers, who are impressionable and impulsive and, apparently in Bridgend, not finding many reasons for wanting to stick around. It represents, if the official statistics are to be believed, a fivefold increase in Bridgend’s young-male suicide rate in three years.

Outbreaks like this are rare but not new. Plutarch writes about an epidemic of suicide by young women in the Greek city of Miletus that was stopped by the threat that their naked corpses would be dragged through the streets. Sigmund Freud, who himself committed assisted suicide, held a conference in the 1920s on teen-suicide clusters. They have happened in Germany, Australia, Japan, the U.S., Canada, and Micronesia. Psychologists familiar with the phenomenon are saying that what’s going on in Wales is a classic case of the Werther effect, named for Goethe’s novel The Sorrows of Young Werther, about a young man who puts a gun to his head to end the agony of unrequited love and because he can’t find his place in the provincial bourgeois society of the day. The novel’s publication, in 1774, prompted young men all over Europe to dress like Werther and take their lives. It’s also called the contagion effect and copycat suicide: one person does it, and that lowers the threshold, making it easier and more permissible for the next. Like 10 people waiting at a crosswalk for the light to change, and one of them jaywalks. This gives the rest of them the go-ahead.

Publicity dramatically accelerates the spread of the contagion. In the late 1970s, there were a number of self-immolations in England and Wales, and within a year after the media picked up on them, the toll shot up to 82. Many of them were women in their 30s, even though mature adults have more life under their belts and are less vulnerable than adolescents to mass psychogenic behaviour, and females are statistically much less prone to take their own lives. But humans in general are highly suggestible, especially when things aren’t falling into place.

This particular epidemic in Wales has followed the pattern. On January 17 2008 the first female—and the 15th suicide in the cluster—a pretty 17-year-old named Natasha Randall, was found hanging in her bedroom in Blaengarw, a depressed former coal-mining town a few miles north of here. This was front-page stuff. The tabloids descended on Bridgend, and the story went national, then international, in less than a week.

The sudden global attention precipitated—or permitted—four hangings over the next month. Three of them were girls. It is unusual for girls to hang themselves. Girls care more about how they are going to look, a suicide specialist has said. They overdose or cut their wrists. They are more prone to do it as a cry for help than to go through with it. (This is known in psychopathological parlance as parasuicide: deliberate self-harm without real suicidal intent.)

On February 19, 2008, 16-year-old Jenna Parry was found dangling from a tree in a wooded area called the Snake Pit, half a mile from her home in Cefn Cribwr, a village a few miles west of the town of Bridgend. Then there were no deaths for almost two months. Everyone hoped the epidemic had run its course, and that the kids had come to their senses and gotten a grip.

There was speculation that the victims might have belonged to an Internet suicide cult—when there was a hanging, often the person’s friends would put up a memorial page dedicated to him or her on Bebo, a popular social-networking site. In two cases, those who wrote loving eulogies were found hanging a few weeks later. The memorial pages, which brought some of the victims 3,000 “friends”—more than they had had in life—have been taken down.

The first known Internet suicide pact surfaced in Japan in 2000, and a new epidemic has been raging there since April. 2008. About 1,000 Japanese have killed themselves by inhaling fumes created by mixing common household cleaning products. Police have asked Internet service providers to shut down suicide Web sites but have found it harder to keep people from posting the recipe for the mix or raving about how this method enables you to “die easily and beautifully.” Why these young people are so eager to die—what it is that their life in Japan isn’t giving them—is as much of a mystery as what is happening in Bridgend.

In Wales, however, the victims’ friends all say that the Internet has nothing to do with what is happening. “It’s nothing like that,” a girlfriend of Natasha Randall’s told a reporter. The victims acted on their own, she believes. “People get down, and they do it.” The Internet is just how young people communicate and, to a large extent, socialize these days. This certainly isn’t a suicide pact like the one made in 1997 by Heaven’s Gate, the cult in Rancho Santa Fe, California, 39 of whose members, dressed in matching black shirts and sweat pants and brand-new Nike sneakers, swallowed phenobarbital-laced applesauce with a vodka chaser, then put plastic bags over their heads to asphyxiate themselves.

There are many contexts in which the tragic deaths in Bridgend can be seen. The Gilbert Grape syndrome, as it could be called: the boredom, demoralization, and anhedonia of being inextricably stuck in some backwater place. As one Bridgend girl told the Telegraph, “Suicide is just what people do here because there is nothing else to do.” Another said, “I really do feel sometimes like I will never get out of here.”

In 2007, a UNICEF study of child well-being in 21 developed countries ranked Britain dead last. A key measure of a society’s health, the study maintains, is how it takes care of its children. Time magazine’s international edition ran a cover story about how the youth of Britain are “unhappy, unloved and out of control,” drinking more, doing more drugs, becoming sexually active in their early teens (many girls at 15 and younger), and exhibiting more antisocial behaviour than ever before, due at least partly to parental neglect.

In some cases, disaffection leads to violence: gang-related stabbings are alarmingly on the rise. “The British have a long propensity to recoil in horror from their children,” the story reports, and now they’re really scared of their young. Another study, by some Oxford social scientists, finds that the morale of school-age children throughout the U.K. is appallingly low.

With parents failing to socialize their kids into adulthood, British youth, and other kids in the modern world, particularly in its marginalized sectors, are forming their own dysfunctional social groups. Children are less integrated, so they spend more time with their peers. “Add to the mix,” the Time story continues, “a class structure that impedes social mobility and an education system that rewards the advantaged, and some children are bound to be left in the cold.”

One social worker there said, “It’s surprising more of them aren’t doing it. These suicides are a symptom of a deeper societal malaise.” But why are they happening here, in this particular part of Wales?


-This article was published as a website exclusive for Vanity Fair by Alex Shoumatoff
February 27, 2009

sNmHQ Comment:

To follow on the main post of the Bridgewater Suicides Mystery, I want to put forward the information regarding Suicidal Programming by the Shadow Group from the previous Shadow Group high member Svali.

I don't think that the suicides are just "bored kids", I think it goes far deeper than that. From our own personal research, we have covered all angles & have yet to find a solid answer to these suicides, which means this rabbit hole goes far deeper than we think.

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The Shadow Group know and realize that with time, individuals in their group may start to question what they are doing. Or they may become disenchanted with their role. They may even desire to leave the group or try to dismantle their own programming.

The trainers are well aware of this possibility and to prevent this, will always program in suicidality. The suicidality, or suicidal programming, may surround one or more systems internally. It may be layered into more than one system.

From earliest childhood, survivors have been conditioned to believe that they would rather die than leave their “family” (the Illuminati group). This is the core, or basis of suicidal programming. It will be closely linked to loyalty to one’s family as well as the group (remember, this is a generational group and leaving it may mean giving up contact with one’s parents, spouse, siblings, aunts, uncles, cousins and children, as well as close friends). These people will all try to contact the survivor, and try to draw them back into the cult, asking “don’t you love us anymore?”, or even becoming accusatory and hostile if the survivor does not respond the way they wish. The survivor will be told that they are “crazy”. Or delusional. That their family loves them and would never be part of a cult. The family members will all still be amnesic, unless something happens to trigger their own memories.

One of the most frequent suicidal programming sequences placed internally will be “come back or die ” programming. A family member may activate it by telling the survivor that they are missed and their family wants to see them. If the survivor fails to return, the programming will start running. It can only be deactivated by a code word from the person’s trainer or cult contact person. This ensures that they will recontact. If the survivor tries to break this programming, they will need assistance, both internal and external, for safety.

Hospitalization may be needed in a safe facility that understands DID and programming, as well as suicidality, as the alters inside will begin fighting if the person tries to break the programming. They have been programmed to commit suicide, or be shattered internally, or at the very least, severely punished, and are afraid of the repercussions of not obeying. The survivor will need to get to know these internal alters, and reassure them that they no longer need to do their jobs.

Chronometric suicidal programming is another type placed within. This does not need contact with family members to activate. In fact, it is activated automatically after a certain amount of time WITHOUT cult contact. Controller alters and/or punishing alters will have been programmed that if a certain period of time goes without contact with the trainer, they are to commit suicide. They will be told that the only way to prevent this is recontact with the trainer, who knows a command code to halt the program. The time interval may be anywhere from three months to nine months, each system is different. Call back programming may have this type of programming as a back up, to ensure that it is followed through on.

Systems layered programming is a particularly complex form of suicide programming where several systems (up to six at a time), are programmed to fire off suicide programming simultaneously. This always needs hospitalization for the survivor’s safety.

Honor/dishonor programming is common in military systems. In this, the military parts are told that an “honorable and courageous” soldier will take his life, rather than reveal secrets or leave his unit.

“No tell” programming will often be reinforced by suicidal programming.

Access denied programming, which prevents unauthorized access both externally and internally, will often be reinforced by either or both suicidal/homicidal programming.

Almost all suicidal programming is put in place to either ensure continued obedience to the cult’s agenda; to ensure regular recontact; or prevent the individual or an outside person from accessing the person’s system without authorization (i.e. the correct access codes, which the trainers are careful to use at the beginning of each session). It will frequently block therapy, as the survivor will be terrified, and rightly so, of dying if they reveal their internal world, or disclose their history.

Suggestions:
First, both the survivor and the therapist need to find out what suicide programming is present (it’s a safe bet it’s there, no need to ask IF it is present). Internal communication, and finding out which alters or fragments hold suicide programming will be important. Physical safety, whether with a safe outside person, or inpatient hospitalization, while working on suicide programming is extremely important, as this programming may either drive the survivor to self destructive behavior, or back to the cult. Dealing with suicide programming assumes that the survivor and therapist have initiated good system communication internally. This is extremely important, since the survivor will need cooperation inside with dismantling suicidality.

Letting alters inside know that they no longer have to do their job, that they can change, may help. Reality orientation, letting them know that if they kill the body, that they will die, may also help (many times, these parts have been deceived into believing that they themselves will not die, if they do their jobs. This means they need to hear the truth). Having controller alters, high alters with pull inside the system, agree to help the therapist dismantle the programming will help. But be aware that SOME INTERNAL SUICIDE SEQUENCES WILL BE PUT IN THAT EVEN CONTROLLERS CANNOT DISMANTLE. Creating a safety committee inside whose main job is to keep the body safe and ask for help if suicidal programming begins to kick in, BEFORE ACTING OUT OCCURS, will also help tremendously.

As the survivor develops trust with their therapist and realizes the value of life, and that life can be much better than it has ever been before, they will become more willing to reach out and ask for help if they become suicidal. The survivor may also find that they encounter core despair. This despair may have been used by the cult to run suicidal programming, but it is not programming itself. A very young core split may have taken many of the feelings of despair, hopelessness, failure to thrive and desire to die, that the child felt growing up in a horribly abusive atmosphere. This is not programming but true feelings, and it will be important to differentiate this from programming. If core despair comes up, the alter containing this may also report having been trained to NOT SUICIDE, or give up. The trainers will do this, if despair begins overwhelming the subject at an early age, to prevent the child’s suicide.

-Svali